Комментарии: PAK *wǝ-ṗč̣́a-ta-; there are also other compounds like *pǝ-wǝ-ṗč̣́ǝ- (Ad. pǝwǝṗč̣́ǝ-n, Kab. pǝwǝṗṣ́ǝ-n) 'to cut off'. Ub. a-s-q̇ǝ-č̣́ǝ́-n (q̇ǝ- < q̇a-, preverb meaning 'hand').
Despite Shagirov 2, 53 PAK *ṗč̣́a-/*ṗč̣́ǝ- 'to cut, incise' should be kept apart from the homonymous *ṗč̣́a- 'to weed', which has its own etymology (q.v.). We should note that the semantic development 'to cut' > 'to weed', proposed by Shagirov, is highly unlikely (the basic idea of weeding is doing it by hand, not by knife or any other instrument).
Значение:1 to rush at 2 to fall down, crumble 3 to butt
Абхазский:a-bga-rá 2
Абазинский:bga-ra 1,2
Адыгейский:pǝǯ́a-n 3
Кабардинский:pǝǯa-n 3
Комментарии: PAT *bǝga-; PAK *pǝga-. The first part is probably a preverb *pǝ- 'front part' (with secondary assimilation in PAT), see Shagirov 2, 37, Abdokov 1983, 130.
Комментарии: PAT *pǝšǝ- (goes back to a form *pǝʎ́ʷǝ- with original labialisation, see below). PAK *pʎa-; there exists also an intransitive (objectless) stem *pʎǝ- in Ad., Kab. ja-pʎǝ-n. Ub. 1 p. sǝ-pʎá-n.
It is most probable that the same root is present in PAK *ʎa-ʁʷǝ- 'to see' (Ad. ʎa-ʁʷǝ-n, Kab. ʎā-ʁʷǝ-n), although the second component is not quite clear. This would be an additional argument in favour of the historical prefixed nature of *p-.
Комментарии: PAT *q̇a-pš́ǝ (with an adjectival prefix *q̇a-); PAK *pʎǝ-ž́ǝ́ (with an adjectival suffix *-ž́ǝ). In AK the root is also used independently (although less frequently).
Комментарии: PAT *pǝša. PAK *pš:́a- (Bzhed. -pš:́a-) with different preverbs means both 'blow (in gen.)' and 'blow (of wind)'. The component ṭa- in Ub. is unclear; -psa < *-psʷa ( < *pǝʎʷa) with secondary dissimilatory delabialisation. See Шагиров 1, 175-176).
Комментарии: PAT *pǝxa (cf. also Bz. á-pxa). The AK form raises some problems: it may be treated on Adygh ground as a contraction of *pš:́ǝ-ta- (cf. *pš:́ǝ- 'to swell up'), see Kuipers 1975, 92, Shagirov 2,34. In this case it does not belong here. Cf., however, Kab. pśtǝ-r 'hot' and AK *pš́a- 'to cook' which could also serve as basis for *pš́(ǝ)-tA-. We prefer (for the time being) the second hypothesis, although it is rather probable that a contamination occurred in the PAK derivate.
PAK *pš́a- 'cook' is reflected in Kab. pśa-f̣a- 'cook (v.)', pśā-f̣a 'cook (n.)', Ad. pš́a-rǝħ (Bzhed. pš́arāħǝ) 'cook; young man serving elder', pśa-rǝħa- 'cook (v.)' (suffixes are not quite clear both in Ad. and Kab.).
Комментарии: PAK *pč́a. Shagirov's etymology (2,28) from *psǝ-č́a 'bringing water' is not enough grounded phonetically. Since PAK *č́ regularly goes back to PAT *ƛ we prefer to compare the AK root directly with the EC material.
Комментарии: PAT *pǝxǝ-ʒǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-pxʒǝ́) : a compound with *ʒǝ 'water' in the second part.
PAK *ṗč̣́a-n-ṭa- 'sweat, to sweat' (used also as a verb in Ad. ṗč̣́anṭa-n, Kab. ṗṣ́anṭa-n 'to sweat') : a compound with *ṭa 'liquid' in the second part (see PWC *ṭV). In Kab. we have a further compound with -ps(ǝ) 'water' (in Ad. there also exists a corresponding form ṗč̣́anṭa-ps).
The correspondence PAT *-x- (before affricate) : PAK *č̣́ is unambiguosly pointing to PWC *ƛ̣. Since there is no Ub. reflex, it is also possible to reconstruct nasalisation in PWC.
The etymology of the PAK form proposed by Shagirov (1977, 2, 53: "to weed" + "to dig") is absolutely unacceptable.
Комментарии: PAT *pǝxǝ-ʒǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-pxǝ́ʒ); PAK *ṗč̣́ǝ-ħá,*ṗč̣́ǝ-ħáṗa. All three subgroups have compounds with not quite clear second components, but the identity of PAT *pǝxǝ-, PAK *ṗč̣́ǝ- and Ub. ṗć̣a- ( < PWC *pǝƛ̣ǝ-) is beyond doubt.
Комментарии: PAK *ṗƛ̣a. Ub. has a compound with -fa 'front' (see Shagirov 2, 48). Despite Shagirov ibid., the root has of course nothing to do with PWC *Pǝƛ̣́ǝ 'four'.
Комментарии: PAT *bǝra; cf. also with *p-: *pǝrǝ-cʷǝ id. > Abkh. a-prǝ́-kʷč̌ / a-pǝ́r-č̌kʷ (Bzyb. a-prǝ́xʷč̌ / á-prǝkʷč̌), Abaz. prǝčʷ (the second part in Abkh. has contaminated with á-kʷč̌ / á-č̌kʷ 'top'). PAK *bǝLá-ca / *pǝLá-ca (Ad. reflects also a variant with -r-: Ad. pǝrāc / bǝrāc 'shaggy').
WC languages reflect numerous variants with variation p/b and r/l. If Osset. barc / barcä 'mane' really goes back to Proto-Iran. *barša- (see Abayev 1, 237; doubts are raised by Osset. -c-), then the forms PAK *bǝráca and PAT *pǝrǝcʷǝ should be regarded as Alanisms; otherwise the direction of loan should be reversed and the WC forms analysed on WC ground (cf. PAT *bǝra and PWC *cǝ / *cʷǝ 'hair').
Abdokov (1983, 73) compares the WC forms with PEC *balV 'wool' (q.v.), which seems phonetically less probable. He also cites Chech. =älla 'hairy' - which is in reality a participle of =āl- 'to grow' and does not belong here at all.
Комментарии: PAT *mǝħa, used in compounds (cf. Abkh. a-mħá-č̣ '(wooden) spoon', a-mħa-bǝsta, Bz. a-mħá-p 'a wooden shovel with long handle for stirring gruel', Abaz. mħa-č̣ʷa 'spoon' etc.); the same situation prevails in Ub., cf. Ub. mǝχ́ā-č̣́a 'wooden shovel for stirring gruel' (cf. āč̣́a 'wide and flat'), mǝχ́ā́-c̣ʷ 'spoon' ( = Abkh. a-mħáč̣).
In all three subgroups of WC we have a delabialized uvular (after the initial labial). The labialisation, however, is to be reconstructed - otherwise (in case of PWC *q́) Ub. would have q́, not χ́, or (in case of PWC *χ́), the Adygh languages would have ħ, not χ. We can not distinguish between PWC *q́ʷ and *χ́ʷ here because of the Adygh form (the cluster *pχ-, because of a specific development of *q in clusters, can go back to both *pχ- and *pq-).
Additional note: there is an enigmatic form in EC: Kar. miʁaža 'wooden spoon'. It resembles Ub. mǝχ́āc̣ʷ and Abkh. a-mħáč̣, but it can not correspond to them phonetically (furthermore, we have demonstrated above that the WC forms in question have a complex morphological nature). Perhaps, we deal with an old loanword in Kar.?
Комментарии: The PAK root *pχV- / *pχʷV- is present in several compounds: *pχa-gʷǝʎǝ 'wild plum' (Ad., Kab. pχagʷǝʎ), *pχa-śħamǝśħa 'fruit'. With labialisation cf. Shaps. pχʷǝ-śʷṭa 'plum', pχʷǝ-ca 'peach'. The PAK form *q:ǝ-ṗc̣á 'plum' (Ad., Kab. q:ǝṗc̣a) is probably a modification of *pχ(ʷ)ǝ-ṗc̣a under influence of PAK *q:ǝcá 'peach' which has a separate etymology (q.v.).
In Ub. the root means 'a k. of big plum'.
The WC languages have yet another root with close meaning, but without the initial labial: cf. Abaz. ħʷa-sá, Abkh. a-ħʷa-sá 'wild plum' (in Bzyb. we have a-pħʷaśá / a-bħʷaśá - obviously, a result of merging *pǝħʷa 'plum' and *ħʷaśa 'wild plum'); *-śa is a frequent component in names of plants. We could compare also Bzhed. χǝrc 'peach' (as opposed to other terms with *q:- or *pχʷ-, see above). Although we can not absolutely exclude the possibility of a secondary loss of the initial labial in these forms (see Shagirov 2, 229), it is still possible to reconstruct a separate PWC root *χ(ʷ)V (or *χ́(ʷ)V, *χI(ʷ)V ) 'wild plum' opposed to *pǝqʷV plum. This root (but not Abkh. a-pħʷá, pace Lomtatidze 1961, 116-117) could be compared to PL *χʷen: 'plum, wild plum' (Lezg. χʷat, dial. χʷad, Tab. χut, dial. χud, Ag. χut, dial. χur,χud, Rut. χäd, Tsakh. χon, Kryz. χed, Bud. χed).
Комментарии: PAK *pʡ(ʷ)a (cf. also Ad. Khakuch. ṗq̇a). It is quite improbable (pace Dumézil 1932, 98 and Shagirov 1977, 2, 44) that the Ub. form is borrowed from Adygh (in this case the reason for palatalisation of Ub. q̇́ would be unclear). The root can not be compared (against the opinion of quoted authors) with the PWC locative morpheme *q́:Ia (q.v.).
Комментарии: Cf. also Bz. a-psǝ́, Ub. def. a-psá. In PAK the derivate adjective *psá-wǝ 'alive, healthy' had acquired also the meaning 'whole, all' (see Шагиров 2, 14), although later these meanings became phonetically slightly differentiated - probably due to different syntactic accentuation (Ad. psaw 'alive', psāw 'whole', pstaw 'all' /with a not quite clear -t-/, Kab. psaw 'alive', psow 'whole', pso 'all').
Комментарии: PAT *pǝśǝ-la (cf. also Bzyb. a-pśǝ́la). The word is an instrumental derivative from a non-attested noun *pǝśǝ 'fat' (*pǝśǝ-la 'with fat').
Комментарии: In Abkh. there coexist variants á-pta and á-pstħʷa (bz. á-pstħʷa). The variant á-pta may be explained by a secondary elision of -s- to avoid contamination with a-psta 'ravine' (see Шагиров 2, 28); we may also accept Shagirov's explanation (ibid.) of -ħʷa as an unvoiced variant of *ʕʷa 'smoke' (q.v.). We are thus left with the PAT root *pǝsǝtA 'cloud' whose further etymology is unclear. Shagirov's attempt (ibid.) to explain *pǝsǝtA from *pǝsǝ 'water, liquid' + *tA 'to give' must be rejected on accent grounds: the root *pǝsA 'to wet, liquid' (q.v.) belongs to the dominant accent class in PAT and we should expect the accentuation *a-psǝ́ta (*a-psáta) in Abkh. Abdokov's (1973, 27, 64) comparison with PAK *pč́a 'cloud', *pč́áʁʷa 'fog' must be rejected on phonetic grounds.
